Jyotsna Rathinam, "Caste Differences and Reservation Policies: A Socio-Psychological Analysis"
Abstract
This paper examines the impact of India's reservation policies on Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Other Backward Castes (OBCs), with a focus on the socio-psychological dynamics influencing the distribution of benefits. Amidst debates on the inclusion of more privileged Dalits within reservation quotas, this study aims to understand the differential outcomes experienced by SCs and OBCs. The research question guiding this inquiry is: "To what extent does caste level impact the benefits reaped from India’s reservation policies?" Employing a socio-psychological framework, this research explores how identity formation within SC and OBC communities shapes the utilization of reservation benefits. By analyzing qualitative and quantitative data, this study seeks to unravel the complexities underlying the access to and utilization of reservation benefits among different caste groups. Ultimately, this research contributes to a deeper understanding of the interplay between caste identity and reservation policies, offering insights for policymakers and stakeholders striving to promote social equity and inclusion.
Introduction:
While the caste system conceptualized by the Hindu religion and materialized by British colonialism stained the social hierarchy of India, there remains a hesitancy to acknowledge the caste system in fear of reinforcing it. Consequently, a major lack of census data and research plagues the knowledge of the caste system in the past century. That is not to say no provisions have been made to help lower castes, shortly after Indian independence constitutional provisions were made for the creation of affirmative action type program, known as reservation policies, to address historical oppression. These reservation policies reserved a specific number of seats for historically discriminated castes in educational institutions, legislature, parliament, and public sector jobs. Despite these provisions, clear inequalities persist between upper caste and lower caste citizens.
Current policy debate surrounds if the more economically or socially privileged deserve to access reservations, specifically focused on the largest recognized group of historically marginalized castes, Other Backward Castes (OBCs). Scheduled Castes (SCs) and their benefits from reservation policies, the most marginalized amongst the caste system often referred to as Dalits or “untouchables' go largely under-discussed in comparison. However, now that the possible exclusion of more privileged Dalits is being argued, it is important to find out how they benefit in comparison to other castes from reservations. This is precisely why I seek to answer the research question 'to what extent does caste level impact the benefits reaped from India’s reservation policies.' I aim to center my research on identity and how identity, through social and psychological processes, as an SC leads to differences in the benefits reaped from reservation policies in comparison to OBC’s.
Literature on how the simple identification with historical castes impacts performance in the public sphere greatly lacks, while literature does exist separately quantifying reservation quotas and the sociological exclusion of lower castes. I strive to fill this gap by combining these two areas and focusing not on the creation of reservations but the actual implementation. The work done in this paper supports scholars in the assertion that economic status and educational background cannot override class status by self or others and seeks to guide Indian policymakers in considering anti-discriminatory frameworks in their reservation quotas.
Hypothesis:
The question I am addressing is: To What Extent does Caste Level Impact the Benefits Reaped from India’s Reservation Policies? My hypothesis predicts the relationship expected between the independent variable (caste level) and the dependent variable (benefits reaped from India’s reservation policies). I predict that lower-level castes will benefit the least from India’s reservation policies. Reservation policies refer to India’s affirmative action program that put in place quotas for jobs, education, and government for historically oppressed castes that have been in place since the country’s independence. Lower level historically oppressed castes refer to ex-untouchables, scheduled castes (SC’s), often self-referred to as Dalits. I will be examining this group’s benefits from reservation policies in comparison to other historically oppressed castes. The entirety of historically oppressed castes consists of roughly 40% of the country and therefore it is important to distinguish between different caste levels and how policy efficacy varies among these groups. Benefits reaped from reservation policies include access to education, higher income levels, job opportunities, and overall life satisfaction. These 'reservations' supposedly allow historically oppressed castes to gain access to opportunities that they would not have otherwise, and this paper will challenge that notion and examine intercaste inequality.
Model:
Figure 1: Theoretical Model of Hypothesis
My hypothesis is supported by the existing literature on this topic. The analysis of the 'creamy layer principle' sets a foundation for my research. The creamy layer principle, as explored by Subramanian, refers to the most economically and socially privileged among disadvantaged castes (2006). Many arguments have been made that the creamy layer should be excluded from reservation quotas. In fact, it has been brought to many courts for evaluation. In 2006, a supreme court ruled in response to these claims, that the government is required to provide proof of the backwardness of the cast who benefits from the reservation, how that cast is inadequately represented within the position the reservation is granted and show how this reservation would better administrative efficiency. Despite all these requirements, disparities still exist within the class system in terms of reservations.
However, there may be many factors that cause reservation policies to be more ineffective for lower castes. Studies in social psychology by scholars such as Munshi have shown that individuals associated with a particular stereotype perform worse on tasks associated with that stereotype when observed by others. Similarly, SCs/STs/OBCs perform worse on cognitive tasks due to perceptions of intellectual inferiority when their identities were made known to their classmates. Moreover, student performance increased substantially when teachers were of the same caste, most likely because of biased teaching or exam scoring practices. This may explain why even when reservation policies are enforced, lower castes perform worse than their upper-class peers and do not always achieve social mobility through access to education (2019). Additionally, Numerous types of discrimination can be practiced even with reservation policies including market discrimination which gives lower wages and unfavorable working conditions to lower castes (Newman & Thorat, 2007, p. 4122). In many cases, upper castes are assigned more favorable jobs which only leaves unfavorable jobs to lower caste groups (Borooah, 2010, p.32).
Lastly, some reservation spots fail to even be filled because of job discouragement and because of persisting residential segregation in colonial India (Benjamin, 2008, 629). Lower castes have deep ties to their land and traditional occupations which prevents them from gaining access to higher quality education in nonrural areas with upper-caste peers (Benjamin, 2008, 630). Thus, due to a variety of cultural, political, and social factors, it is probable the literature supports my hypothesis that lower castes within historically oppressed castes experience significantly fewer benefits than their upper-caste counterparts.
Literature Review:
I aim to address the question: 'to what extent does caste level impact the benefits reaped from India’s reservation policies.' Through a thorough review of research from structural economic, policy analysis, and socio-psychological literature, I come to argue that the lower one’s position is within the Indian caste system, the less likely they are to benefit from reservation policies.
Background: India’s Caste System and Reservation Policies
After India’s independence from the British in 1947, it adopted a new constitution which included arrangements for ending caste-based discrimination through threatening 'untouchable treatment' with penal punishment as well as instating 'reservation policies' which reserved a specific number of seats for historically oppressed castes (HOCs) in educational institutions, legislature, parliament, and public sector jobs (Judge, 2012, p.270). The affirmative action program classified various historically disadvantaged castes into three categories, scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs), and more recently, additional groups of castes, other backward castes (OBCs) (Munshi, 2019, p.783).
There is a clear distinction to be made between SC’s, STs, and OBC’s. Historically, India barred SC’s from accessing equal opportunities in property ownership, education, and employment opportunities because they were seen as 'untouchables' and excluded from the preexisting caste system; these groups are often called Dalits. Contrastingly, STs face economic and social disadvantages due to their geographical location, not because of the Indian caste system. Lastly, OBC’s, the largest group included in reservation policies, include all historically marginalized groups that have faced economic and social discrimination which do not fit into the two other categories, and often hold more powerful positions in society and control more wealth. SC’s and STs are eligible for a similar amount of reservation benefits while OBC’s qualify for significantly fewer reservation benefits due to their relative privilege to other HOC’s (Gopinath, 2018).
However, since roughly 50% of India’s population falls under OBC’s, the Supreme Court has ruled to exclude what is called the 'creamy layer' from reservation benefits. The creamy layer principle refers to the most economically and socially privileged among disadvantaged castes (Subramanian, 2006). The ‘Indira Sawney’ ruling enabled the Indian supreme court to make provisions excluding the ‘creamy layer’ of OBCs from reservations based on 11 different criteria predetermined by the Mandal Commission. The primary indicators for exclusion were income level and parental occupation. While the ruling stated that the requirements for the creamy layer should not depend exclusively on economic criteria, in recent years economic criteria have been the main determinant of creamy layer status.
Many arguments have been made that the creamy layer should be excluded from reservation quotas. In fact, it has been brought to many courts for evaluation. In 2006, a supreme court ruled in response to these claims, that the government is required to provide proof for the backwardness of the caste who benefits from the reservation, how that cast is inadequately represented within the position the reservation is granted and show how this reservation would improve administrative efficiency. Despite all these requirements, disparities still exist within the class system in terms of reservations. Debate continues over whether to extend the 'creamy layer' principle to SCs/STs or to get rid of the principle altogether which all depends on if and to what extent reservations are controlled and given to more privileged groups within the caste system.
Inequality caused by Policy Structure
While the Supreme Court has ruled to exclude the most privileged of the caste system from reservation benefits, arguments continue over the importance and implications of inequality observed within the caste system and if further actions should be taken from a policy analysis standpoint. Honorable Justice Pandian, a judge on the expert committee for creating the qualifications for socially and educationally backward castes, suggested that the most fortunate among backwards castes receiving reservations simply equates to the creamiest layers in general society taking unreserved seats and is inevitable in a competitive society (S.K. & S.K., 2006). Scholars such as Subramanian also argue that the 'creamy layer' should not be excluded from reservations, however, his reasoning is different because he judges caste backwardness to be a greater inhibiting factor in social advancement than income level. Therefore, rich backward castes lose spots to both poor backward castes and poor forward castes without their inclusion in reservation status (Subramanian, 2006).
Srinivas and Sundaram contrast these views entirely by arguing that caste-based rich backward castes (RBC) may have an advantage over rich forward castes (RFC) because they can take positions within the quota system over poor backward castes incredibly easier. Furthermore, they argue that the 'capability gap' that Subramanian argues is most applicable to those of backward castes is just an assumption and those poor irrespective of caste may also face the same level of social and educational disadvantages. Thus, by taking the creamy layer out of reservation policies they can still compete advantageously against poor forward castes and rich forward castes while poor backward castes can access reservations (Srinivas, 2007).
When entering the conversation of whether to extend the creamy layer principle to SCs and STs a different view is brought to light by scholars like Venkataramanan who asserts that no amount of wealth can overcome the barriers of social discrimination that Dalits (SCs) have faced and continue to face in the public and private sectors. When referencing literature that cuts across borders, arguments have been made that richer Blacks face greater discrimination from their white peers because of resentment of their existence in privileged spaces (Vekataramanan, 2019). Thus, while it may make sense to exclude the creamy layers of OCBs whose main struggle usually entails economic backwardness, in the case of SCs and STs, excluding the economic privileged further exacerbates caste inequality by ignoring the impact of social discrimination in job and education acquisition.
Social Segregation and Reservation Access
Other groups of scholars connect caste discrepancies, not to policy failure or structure, which concerns the exclusion or inclusion of those most privileged within HOCs but rather focuses on how discrimination and social hierarchy, could impact the benefits reaped from different levels within the caste system. Unlike literature, these scholars agree there are clear disadvantages SC’s and ST’s face in comparison to their more privileged peers however, they disagree on the most prevalent determining factors of these differences. One of the largest schools of thought claims residential and spatial factors bar lower castes, especially ST’s who tend to reside together, from benefiting equally from reservation policies. Unintentional caste segregation due to differences in wealth still prevails today as most lower classes reside together in rural communities. Within these rural communities, there are fewer job opportunities and inadequate education quality.
Furthermore, informal economic activity that benefits community efficiency in the short run restricts these groups' access to reservation policies (Munshi, 2019, p.786). Due to the closeness of the same caste communities and their tendency to reside in the same area, lower castes fail to access the many jobs given through 'personalized and insider-based processes' (Thorat, 2005, p. 809). In this way, hiring practices become much more inequitable because even those who qualify for jobs simply do not hear about these opportunities (Thorat, 2005, p.809). These failed considerations become apparent when recognizing reservation policies only increase regular employment among Dalits by 5% and reservation contributes to less than ⅓ of regularly employed Dalits (Borooah, 2010, 35). In contrast to a sociopsychological or discriminatory perspective, regionally focused scholars profess that the problem is not treatment from within reservations but the ability to access reservations itself.
Other scholars such as Munshi come from a social psychological perspective that individuals associated with a particular stereotype perform worse on tasks associated with that stereotype when observed by others. Similarly, SCs/STs/OBCs perform worse on cognitive tasks due to perceptions of intellectual inferiority when their identities were made known to their classmates (Munshi, 2019, p. 812). Moreover, student performance increased substantially when teachers were of the same caste, most likely because of biased teaching or exam scoring practices (Munshi, 2019, p. 800). This may explain why even when reservation policies are enforced, lower castes perform worse than their upper-class peers and do not reap the same benefits from reservations.
Lastly, a great body of literature has come to support the theoretical argument that discriminatory practices are the primary reason lower castes do not benefit equally from reservation policies. In a way, these scholars agree with Venkataramanan who emphasize social discrimination in reservation access. Numerous types of discrimination can be practiced even with reservation policies including market discrimination which gives lower wages and unfavorable working conditions to lower castes (Newman & Thorat, 2007, p. 4122). In many cases, upper castes are assigned more favorable jobs which only leaves unfavorable jobs to lower caste groups (Borooah, 2010, p.32). Borooah, Newman, and Thorat acknowledge that reservation benefits may be hindered by socio-psychological factors but contend that discriminatory practices act as a prerequisite for these circumstances.
Gaps in Literature
The literature focuses on OBC’s and how income level or social status plays into their ability to access and benefit from reservation policies, hence the 'creamy layer' debate. As some question, if the same principle should be applied to SC’s and ST’s one must recognize the distinction between SC’s and OBC’s which is 2000 years of discrimination and exclusion. The literature rarely makes this distinction or acknowledges how that difference comes into play when considering the implementation of reservation policies in contrast to simply considering the setup or intended purposes. While the intended purpose of reservation policies aims to prevent discrimination, numerous studies from scholars including Borooah, Thorat, and Venkatesan demonstrate ongoing performance differences between SCs and other groups in workplaces, schools, and governments. Hence, the importance of tracing the process of why these discrepancies occur.
For this study, it is also important to realize the great inadequacy in data provided by the Indian government. Since its implementation there has been a lack of studies that broadly evaluate the affirmative action program effectiveness to different levels of caste and explore how the status of SCs and STs have been changed in recent decades (Munshi, 2019). Postcolonial India expresses hesitancy to ask questions caste-related questions in census data in fear of reinforcing caste identities and divisions. Unfortunately, the government fails to realize the cruciality of obtaining such data to compensate for caste inequalities in areas of income, education, or occupation. Thus, current literature often fails to make the connection between historical treatment to current performance. Also, it is important to be noted that according to scholar Sukhadeo Thorat the SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and the Protection of Civil Rights Act the government is required to take census data to conduct a study every 5 years to evaluate discrimination against Dalits (former untouchables or SC’s). However, no such study has been released in the past two decades.
Only independent studies focusing on caste discrimination and discrepancies by various scholars regarding specific universities, companies, and government offices have been done, yet hardly any combine these studies to form a broader base of data or to seek to understand the actual process that leads to these inequalities. Due to continuing caste inequality in the 21st century, it is essential to explore whether the level of one’s caste plays a key role in how they benefit from reservation policies, especially as conversations continue on how to reform this system.
Theory and Argument
My hypothesis is supported by the existing literature on this topic. The post-colonial and sets a foundation for my research. The creamy layer principle, as explored by Subramanian, refers to the most economically and socially privileged among disadvantaged castes (Subramanian, 2006). Many arguments have been made that the creamy layer should be excluded from reservation quotas in terms of OBC’s. However, now that there is debate over whether this principle should be extended to SC’s and ST’s it is imperative to examine the benefits reaped by these groups in reservation policies and whether inefficiencies within the system can be blamed on the ‘creamy layer’ or if deeper issues underlie the system.
I contend through a socio-psychological lens that those of lower castes perform worse due to their perceived identity in comparison to their upper-caste counterparts. Economist Ashwini Deshpande supports this viewpoint in asserting that reservations intend to protect against discrimination, not function as an anti-poverty program, and rather that poverty reduction requires a separate set of policies. She continues to argue that due to historic discrimination reservations should not be tied to economic status. Other scholars specializing in social inequality and exclusion such as Sukhadeo Thorat agree that reservation policies only scratch the surface of addressing 2000 years of repression and that even within reservation systems, discrimination continues to impact SC’s (Venkataramanan, 2019).
There may be a variety of factors that cause reservation policies to be more ineffective for lower castes. Studies in social psychology by scholars such as Munshi have shown that individuals associated with a particular stereotype perform worse on tasks associated with that stereotype when observed by others. Similarly, SCs/STs/OBCs perform worse on cognitive tasks due to perceptions of intellectual inferiority when their identities were made known to their classmates. Moreover, student performance increased substantially when teachers were of the same caste, most likely because of biased teaching or exam scoring practices. This may explain why even when reservation policies are enforced, lower castes perform worse than their upper-class peers and do not always achieve social mobility through access to education (Munshi, 2019).
Additionally, numerous types of discrimination can be practiced even with reservation policies including market discrimination which gives lower wages and unfavorable working conditions to lower castes (Newman & Thorat, 2007, p. 4122). In many cases, upper castes are assigned more favorable jobs which only leaves unfavorable jobs to lower caste groups (Borooah, 2010, p.32). Another facet of the Indira Sawney case rules that reservations shall not be allowed within promotions (in jobs) due to fears of inefficient discrimination. However, a study by the Jharkhand government shows that SC’s/ST’s are underrepresented in every area of promotion posts (Representation of SC/ST in Promotion Posts Inadequate in Jharkhand: Report, 2021). When looking together at these studies one can begin to postulate that a socio-psychological lens best explains this disparity and that further investigation into discrimination in spaces where reservation is implemented is needed for meaningful analysis.
Thus, due to the basis set by the existing literature in both sociological and psychological studies, the literature supports my hypothesis that lower castes within historically oppressed castes experience significantly fewer benefits than their upper-caste counterparts.
Research Design and Methods
This paper seeks to address the question, 'To What Extent does Caste Level Impact the Benefits Reaped from India’s Reservation Policies?' In modern-day India, despite efforts to remedy historical oppression within the caste system, disparities in income, education level, and social inclusion continue to plague Indian society. Current literature addresses key concepts such as the ‘creamy’ layer benefit to OBC’s implying that the more powerful and affluent amongst other backward castes take up most caste reservations. To compensate for this, the supreme court ruled to exclude certain OBC’s from reservation policies based on their income, occupation or parents’ occupation, and education attainment. However, OBC’s in general represent the most privileged of the historically oppressed castes and literature lacks on how reservation policies impact the status of SC’s/ST’s and if they can be efficient in the face of discrimination and biases. My research questions precisely fill this gap and add to the body of literature that will help shape future affirmative action policies both in India and elsewhere.
My research draws on both post-colonial theories as well as socio-psychological analysis. Primarily, one cannot analyze India’s caste system without acknowledging the role of colonialism in its institutionalization. While the caste system has always existed in Hindu texts, the actual implications of caste intensified immensely under the British colonial era. During the set-up of India during the colonial period, the British instated categories of identities to set up bureaucracy and institutions more conveniently. They reinforced ideas of occupational association with caste and imposed real material consequences to caste identity. The colonial era’s rigid categorization of caste combined with the post-colonial era of reservations based on caste identity permanently solidified the caste system into Indian society. Debate continues over whether caste data should be collected in censuses as it continues to ingrain caste into society, however, the consequences of caste identity are indisputable. Post-colonial theory is needed to understand why caste identities have been integrated into Indian society and why the debate continues over the fairness of reservation policies, sometimes referred to as 'positive discrimination.' This theory is required to analyze the proposed question because material differences in castes are caused by colonialism and material differences translate into perceived differences that can be observed in the modern-day. Furthermore, colonization is the historical context behind the proposition of reservation policies and therefore is the starting point of the process tracing theory shown in model 2.
A socio-psychological analysis is also needed to answer the research question. I hypothesize that the lower one’s position in the caste system and the more that they have been historically oppressed, the less likely they are to benefit from reservation policies. This hypothesis is backed by socio-psychological literature that has found that SCs/STs perform worse in educational environments due to perceptions of intellectual inferiority. Furthermore, studies show that SCs/STs are further discriminated against than OBCs in both educational and professional settings. Therefore, even when lower castes are given the opportunity to attend the same universities, hold the same jobs, or take part in official positions in the government, they are less likely to succeed as much as their upper-caste counterparts in terms of GPA, job satisfaction, or influence in public policy. This outcome can be theorized to be due to societal biases or psychological inhibitors due to identity insecurity or discrimination.
For the purposes of this research paper, 'caste level' will refer to either scheduled castes (SCs), scheduled tribes (STs), or other backward castes (OBCs). Scheduled castes are previously untouchable people otherwise known as Dalits who were the most historically oppressed in the Indian caste system. Scheduled tribes are indigenous peoples that faced some degree of historical oppression. Lastly, OBCs are educationally or socially disadvantaged castes and constitute roughly 52% of the population. All these terms are defined as they are by the Indian constitution or by Indian supreme court rulings because SCs, STs, and OBCs are almost exclusively used when discussing affirmative action policies. Cultural perspectives sometimes use the specific names of castes or 'varnas' to refer to them; however, for the purposes of this study the categorization given by the government provides the best means for operationalization because most studies use the same categories and data available regarding reservation policies typically uses the same groupings.
Benefits reaped from reservation policies can be defined as achievements relative to others within the reservation's institution. For example, in an occupational sense benefit can be defined as the level of superiority in a job or wage paid in comparison to fellow workers. In educational institutions, student benefits include GPA compared to classmates and perceived performance level compared to classmates. Lastly, benefits from government jobs can be measured in the level of political power within the government institution as well as the amount of input into policy and decisions compared to other government workers. These benefits can be measured either quantitatively or qualitatively. While some studies define benefits more broadly as in the benefits historically oppressed castes receive in comparison to what they would receive without reservations at all since this paper asks about the reservation policy effectiveness in relation to various castes, defining benefits in relation to others allows us to see the efficiency based on caste.
My data will be composed of different studies and surveys that look at institutions where the reservation system has been implemented. Additionally, since a part of process tracing includes identifying causal mechanisms through a temporal narrative, I will be utilizing historical data found in essays and studies from Deshpande (2010), Riser-Kositsky (2009), and Wilkerson (2020) which were all chosen because of their ability to either summarize the origins of caste ideology or the relation of colonization to the caste system to link it to the creation of reservation policies.
Studies included supporting causal mechanisms in boxes 2-4
- distinguish between SC’s/ST’s/OBC’s
- This distinction was made in all studies chosen
- Show qualitatively or quantitatively the position of these groups in relation to the entire institution (such as the university, the Indian government, or a specific company)
- Pandey (2018) was chosen because of possessing this characteristic in a university setting and Bhattacharya (2015) referenced studies in an employment setting.
- Demonstrate the difference in behavior SC’s and ST’s experience in comparison to their peers in the environment of their reservations
- These studies include Borooah (2010), Munshi (2019)
- Demonstrate a difference in treatment of SC’s and ST’s in comparison to their peers
- Differences in treatment were shown by Munsi (2019), Chauchard (2015), Bhattacharya (2015), and Thorat & Newman (2007)
My causal process observations will essentially attempt to establish the line of reasoning that if SCs and STs experience discrimination within the place in which they have received their reservation then they will perform worse because of perceptions of intellectual inferiority and finally this will lead to lower GPA’s, lower wages, and less political influence. Contrastingly, my hypothesis will be disproven if one of these links does not work, and if in an environment that SCs and STs do experience discrimination then they will not perform worse, or if they do not experience any discrimination, they still perform worse.
Figure 2: Process Tracing Theory Model
Analysis:
The creation and enforcement of caste identity:
The British reinforced the caste system for the purposes of quantification, division, and categorization of Indian society to simplify the colonial rule. However, the sociological relations of the caste system originated in the Hindu Vedas texts. These texts established values of 'cleanliness' in the Hindu religion and drew a contrast between purity and pollution. Ergo, Dalits (untouchables) became associated with impurity and dirty work leading to social segregating, endogamy, and beliefs of fundamental cultural behaviors between upper castes and untouchables. Hindu religious stories even portrayed dark-skinned Indians in demons and light skin Aryans (the top caste) like heroes (Deshpande, 2010). Dark skin became an important marker of caste, in fact, 'varna' does not mean caste, rather it means color, the next important indicator is. Two other factors exist as a determinant of caste: surname and occupation. What is important to note about all these factors is that they are all observable by others either both on paper or in person, which continues to be important to upholding social exclusion and internal biases (Wilkerson, 2020). Thus, these texts became the basis of demonization of untouchables and gave way to exclusivism and social separation in fears of 'contamination'.
As previously established, the caste system did exist and impact Indian social life prior to colonization, however, the colonial rule is important to acknowledge because of its strengthening of caste identification. What was once a loose hierarchy mainly composed primarily of social differences suddenly realized economic and political consequences as the British created formalized laws backed by Hindu texts that were previously not enforced as formally. The legal system of caste discrimination became sanctioned by the state and enforced caste differences much more harshly than before (Riser-Kositsky, 2009). The British eventually shifted their beliefs to be against caste discrimination and even considered implementing inclusion quotas in institutions, but India won its independence before the occurrence (Deshpande, 2010). From a sociological lens, one can observe how colonization normalized imposed legal discrimination in Indian society, allowing more discrimination in public spheres because of its past precedent. As a causal mechanism, colonization can be logically tested by reasoning that without colonization caste differences, informal institutions, and discrimination may never have gotten to the point that led to reservation policies, and instead, Dalit rights movements may have succeeded in creating separate entities for representation.
Reservation policies and upper caste resentment:
Following the creation of reservation policies which was created during the new constitution after Indian independence, therefore, stemming from the end of British colonialism, upper-caste resentment resulted. In the latter half of the 90s, many movements emerged from upper castes in opposition to reservation policies, claiming that the policies imposed 'reverse casteism' (Wilkerson, 2020). In 1994 a private army of upper castes in Eastern India named Ranvir Sena massacred over 20 Dalits in five years despite discrimination already being outlawed by the government (Sekhon, 2000). Instances such as these demonstrate psychological resentment towards Dalits and perceptions of inferiority based on physical or occupational demarcations.
These resentments continue to the current day as movements across India arise in opposition to reservation policies as quotas in the past decade have been slightly reformed and expanded. Expansions have primarily been for OBC’s, not SC’s (Dalits), yet SC’s face discrimination and resentment from both their upper-caste counterparts as well as OBC’s, distinguishing their experiences in the public sphere from those of other oppressed castes. Protestors have claimed to either reduce reservations in total or to be included in reservations (Parthasarathy, 2016). Analyzing this reaction to reservations in our framework demonstrates that upper castes believe Dalits are undeserving of their reservations. Ostensibly, there is a continued sociological implication of separation between upper castes and SC’s reminiscent of 'contamination' mindsets from the pre-colonial era before discrimination was constitutionally outlawed.
No direct causal link can be drawn between an increase in Dalit discrimination and the enactment of reservation policies, but it can be inferred based on the empirical evidence above that reservation policies allow the further interaction of upper castes and lower castes in environments where upper castes see SC’s as undeserving of their positions. Ingrained biases from pre-independent India are therefore evident in both the uprisings, protests, and activism against Dalit reservations as well as the treatment of Dalits within spaces of representation. Without reservation policies or 'forced inclusion' discrimination may continue in multicaste public spaces, but resentment of 'undeserved positions' would not be part of the bias towards SC’s, therefore establishing reservation policies as a driving socio-psychological factor behind discrimination and bias in reservation implementation.
Discrimination and biased practices in institutions:
Upper caste resentment amalgamated with biased conceptions of lower castes resulting from Hindu texts and colonization translate into discriminatory practices in public spheres where reservations are practiced. Despite a ban on untouchability practices in the Indian constitution, informal discrimination and social exclusion continue to hinder the economic and social progress of SC’s (Sekhon, 2000). Market discrimination still heavily impacts SCs since lower wages, unfavorable jobs, and working conditions are given to them. In fact, a study done by Madheswaran, and Atwell found that SC’s have an average of 15% wage penalty in comparison to equally qualified upper-caste respondents (Thorat & Newman, 2007). This study rules out the possibility of opportunity differences being a result of qualifications and rather supports the hypothesis that it is a result of psychological biases and skewed social relations.
Another study on social exclusion conducted by Vani Borooah identifies two primary reasons for hiring biases. The first is a desire to associate with the preferred group and the second is beliefs about characteristics associated with the unpreferred group causing the employer to believe that the preferred groups are better workers. Borooah found this resulting in that in many cases, lower castes receive less favorable jobs and more menial work than upper castes even with reservations (Borooah, 2010). The socio-psychological analysis of hiring bias can be seen in areas where reservations are enforced; A committee from the Jharkhand government found that SC’s/ST’s are significantly underrepresented in areas of promotion at every level of government, they hold just 4.45% of sanctioned promotions despite being 12.08% of the population (Representation of SC/ST in Promotion Posts Inadequate in Jharkhand, 2021). This study’s significance is drawn from the fact that it shows SC’s experiencing the most severe discrimination out of the three groups of HOC’s, and that underrepresentation and cognitive biases exist simultaneously with reservation policies.
Contrastingly, the 2018 supreme court ruling Jarnail Singh v. Lachhmi Narain Gupta ruled that reservations only be applied to the 'creamy layer' of SC’s/ST’s in instances of promotion, a ruling that ignores the discriminatory basis of hiring. The creamy layer in SC’s is hotly contested in comparison to the ‘creamy layer’ principle of OBC’s because there is a significant difference in current treatment and historic discrimination of the two groups. To support the claim that discriminatory practices do not decrease because of economic status or social background, Sukhdeo Thorat and Paul Atwell conducted a study published in 2007 in which three nearly identical resumés were sent to entry-level job postings, the only difference was the surname of the candidates, one was Muslim, one was Dalit, and the last was upper caste. The results showed that upper-caste candidates had significantly more prospects than Dalits, and Muslims had the lowest prospects (Bhattacharya, 2015). This evidence disproves the hypothesis that economic status can override caste status. Instead, the evidence supports the idea that socio-psychological biases are formed from observable demarcations between upper and lower caste Indians. These studies rule out competing hypotheses that discrimination is not prevalent in reservations, that OBCs and SCs face the same amount of discrimination, and that economic status can override caste status. Therefore, the hypothesis holds that SCs face fewer benefits from reservation policies than their OBC peers because of psychological biases.
Perceptions of inferiority lead to poorer performance
Most importantly, centuries of subordination and the perceptions of inferiority imposed by upper castes lead to poorer performance of lower castes generated by psychological inhibition. These perceptions of inferiority, according to the existing literature, do not improve because of forced representation. A psychological study completed by Simon Chauchard in the state of Rajasthan which had no political representation of SCs before reservations found that stereotypes of SC villagers remained as negative for those who accessed reservations as those who did not. He explicitly states that this does not mean that norms of social inclusion do not improve but simply that beliefs about stigmatized groups do not improve from inclusion in reservations (Chauchard, 2015). However, improved norms for social relations do not change the fact that lower caste performance is impacted by perceived beliefs of inferiority.
Two studies carried out in school settings demonstrate the hypothesis that perceptions of inferiority by peers’ impact performance. Kaivan Munshi found that all HOC’s perform worse on cognitive tasks under perceptions of intellectual inferiority when their identities are known to their peers compared to when they are not. Discrimination as the previous causal mechanism directly feeds into perceptions of inferiority as it was also reported by Munshi that biased teaching practices such as grading tests with lower-caste surnames with lower grades, contribute to poor lower caste self-perception; this is especially true or SCs. Students were also found more likely to succeed if their teacher shared the same caste as them, most probably due to biased teaching practices and grading (Munshi, 2019).
A survey at the Indian Institute of Technology sets forth similar results. This study crucially separates OBCs and SCs in its survey and found results that support the socio-psychological hypothesis. First, they found significant differences between SC/ST and others in student performance in terms of GPA which could not be traced to significant differences in parental occupation or educational background (Pandey, 2018). 10% more students of SC/ST than OBC reported hostile attitudes from teachers and 6% more SC/ST than OBC felt hostility from peers. Even more, 46% of SC/ST students reported they believed their academic ability was lower than their peers while 61% of general caste students believed reserved caste category students perform lower. These attitudes then transform into actions of harassment and bullying of lower caste peers which further imposes perceptions of inferiority (Pandey, 2018).
Lower performance is psychologically theorized by Borooah to be a consequence of discrimination which reduces confidence and social trust. Theoretically, exclusion robs lower castes of their 'confidence' which impacts their functional ability. Lower caste students effectively perform worse than their peers with the same effort and ability, but less confidence (Borooah, 2010). Evidence suggests this through gaps between SC/ST and other caste GPA, classroom participation, and self-perception (Munshi, 2019). Ergo, the prior two causal links can be joined in a self-perpetuating cycle where poor confidence resulting from discrimination results in poor results which affirms beliefs of inadequacy and causes more discrimination and exclusion.
Final analysis & conclusion
Convincingly, the result of the proposed traced process is reached, that lower castes, specifically SCs, benefit less than other castes from reservation policies. The hypothesis was supported through a socio-psychological lens that argued colonization which strengthened the ideological caste system and curated material consequences to identification led to the enactment of reservation policies which fosters upper caste resentment and discrimination which finally causes a self-perpetuating cycle of perceived inferiority and poor performance. Many socio-cultural and political dynamics can be drawn from previous research.
First, SCs and OBCs face gravely different experiences as historically oppressed castes. The studies done by Munshi, Pandey, and Bhattacharya demonstrate the difference in treatment experienced by SCs in comparison to OBCs. Through analysis, it can be concluded that the most reasonable hypothesis is that these differences are due to psychological biases from all levels of the caste system. Socio-psychological relationships between former untouchables and other castes can be traced back to the purity-pollution dynamic which ultimately led to justified social exclusion based on observed differences such as skin color and surname which continue to demarcate SCs to modern-day, while the discrimination of OBCs is not denied, the severity is less due to the extensive history of perceived subservience of Dalits. Therefore, the first conclusion of the hypothesis is reached that the lower the caste, the fewer benefits are derived from reservation policies.
Benefits were defined above as performance in comparison to peers, and through the completed analysis, the benefits significantly differed based on caste. In the educational sector, GPA, participation, and performance suffered in comparison to peers. In the job sector, access to jobs, promotions, and wages, are lower for SCs than other caste peers, and by extraction of the Munshi and Pandey studies, one can assume that performance in these jobs also suffers due to perceived inferiority and discriminatory practices. Finally, it was critically found that education, parental occupation, or difference in experience was not a significant cause of these differences, but rather the only difference found to be significant across all studies was caste, and therefore the socio-psychological theory that formulates the hypothesis stays true and the evidence supports my argument.
Much remains to be researched and studied in terms of this subject. Caste data from the Indian government is almost guaranteed to be needed to do so however, some remain hopeful about the collection of the 2021 Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) however results are yet to be accessible to the public, and data may be unusable like the 2011 census. Irrespective of census data, NGOs, institutions, and scholars should be driven to conduct more conclusive and modern studies answering questions such as is there a significant relationship between the economic status of an SC and the discrimination they face? To what extent are SCs able to achieve social mobility through caste and how have their treatment and performance improved in the past few decades? Lastly, the Chauchard study previously discussed that states norms of social interactions can improve due to reservations begs the question of how have social interactions between castes in the public sphere changed over time? All these questions are essential for future scholars and policymakers to best remedy ongoing caste inequalities.
In terms of policy and political implications, the current most heavily debated policy topic regarding reservations is the application of the ‘creamy layer’ principle to SCs/STs. However, based on the results of the research, this principle should not be applied to these groups because economic status or educational attainment does not change the discrimination experienced and therefore the worsening in performance experienced by these groups. In comparison, OBCs make up such a large portion of the population and are not as psychologically affected by historic marginalization that their economic status may be able to evade them of discrimination; however, a conclusive study must be done to determine this.
Finally, instead of focusing on the quotas and creamy layer of SC/ST populations, India needs to focus on implementing anti-discriminatory frameworks in their reservation policies and enforcement. While discrimination and 'untouchability practices' may be constitutionally outlawed, this does not rule out their occurrence in the real world. More provisions must be made to improve the benefits reaped from reservation policies by India’s lowest caste. Nation-states across the world with marginalized populations need to follow suit in attempts of remediation and reparation; the creation of policies is not enough, but mindsets over time must be changed through the state’s enforcement of societal accessibility and equity.
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